Honorable Mr. President of the French Republic, Ministers, friends, today, Athens welcomes a long-standing European ally and partner, but also a true friend of our country and, if I may say so, a personal friend of mine.
At a moment, in fact, that I would describe as pivotal, as it marks a historic choice made by our two countries in 2021. Namely, the decision by Greece and France to join forces, transforming a long-standing shared journey into a strong strategic alliance.
This essentially represents the development of a multifaceted relationship -a substantive relationship- rooted in the historical ties between our two nations, in our shared principles and values, and in the mutual interests of our peoples. These elements have been forged through our participation in both the North Atlantic Alliance and the European Union, as well as, of course, through bilateral cooperation. And the results, indeed, in the defense sector are more than evident.
I am particularly pleased, dear Emmanuel, that we had the opportunity this morning to visit the frigate “Kimon,” which has just returned after spending 40 days off the coast of Cyprus.
Two more Belh@rra-class frigates of the same type, the “Nearchos” and the “Formionas,” will be delivered in the coming months. The fourth, the “Themistoklis,” will be delivered in 2028, while the capabilities of our Air Force have been substantially upgraded with the delivery and operational deployment of 24 Rafale fighters; we saw two of them, after all, flying over Piraeus today.
But, of course, also through a multifaceted alliance. For instance, I would like to mention the agreement we signed today to upgrade the MICA missiles. All of these measures strengthen our deterrent capability, while also safeguarding both our national and European borders.
At the same time, it is no coincidence that, during the recent crisis in the region, France rushed to bolster the island’s defenses. I have very vivid memories, dear Emmanuel, of our joint visit to Cyprus, together with President Christodoulides, because in this way we demonstrated that European solidarity is built on actions and not just words.
After all, I would like to emphasize that this Greek-French alliance preceded all of the recent major geopolitical realignments.
I would say, therefore, that it proved to be provident and timely in the areas of security and stability. And in its own way, it has been a forerunner of the broader need for strategic autonomy across our entire continent, something that we -at least the two of us- have been discussing for several years now at the European Council.
Through joint programs and co-productions, with operational interoperability: the frigates acquired by the Greek Navy and those acquired by the French Navy are practically identical, but one Navy learns from the other in the process of their ongoing modernization.
And of course, the flagship of these agreements is the mutual assistance commitments. I would like to thank Emmanuel once again because, in such clear terms, he reiterated yesterday that if ever-God forbid- Greece needs France’s support, France will be there.
That is why today we are taking another important step forward. The declaration on the strengthened comprehensive strategic partnership between Greece and France, which we had the opportunity to sign a short while ago, reflects the breadth of our cooperation.
I would like to take this opportunity to thank all the ministries, but above all the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, for their work on the agreements we signed today.
And of course, the updated roadmap of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs provides clear guidance on our diplomatic alignment.
At the same time, we are investing in the future through joint initiatives in education, while strengthening our cooperation within the intergovernmental organization Mercator Ocean International, a key body for marine knowledge and observation, in strategic sectors such as nuclear energy and technology for peaceful purposes. Moreover, I recently had the opportunity to attend a very interesting conference in Paris organized by President Macron on this very issue.
And of course, just a short while ago, the Ministers of Finance inaugurated the Technology and Support Centre of Euronext Athens, as the Athens Stock Exchange is now known. We are putting European integration into practice in the financial transactions sector as well.
And we will soon have the opportunity to speak at the very important Greece-France Economic Forum, which is taking place as we speak.
What do all these things signify? It signifies our desire -Greece and France, France and Greece- to walk together on the path of 21st-century Europe, ensuring conditions of prosperity and security for the present, while also opening up a horizon of hope for future generations.
In fact, it was precisely this vision that we discussed yesterday during our conversation at the Roman Agora. A center of public life in antiquity that continues to this day to foster fruitful dialogue and reflection, particularly the pursuit of truth in the age of fake news, dialogue in an age of slogans, and accountability in an era of anonymous digital propaganda.
Dear Emmanuel, when the fundamental principles of the postwar order are put to the test, the response of democracies must be united, level-headed, and resolute.
Consequently, Europe itself -on whose soil, unfortunately, war has returned over the past four years, is called upon to strengthen its autonomy at all levels, because only in this way can it “navigate” with confidence through the turbulent waters of an uncertain world.
And I would like to thank the French President for his truly steadfast efforts to place the issue of Europe’s strategic autonomy, in all its aspects, at the forefront of discussions at the European Council.
I believe that our collective defense will also strengthen our common alliance, NATO, with European member states now obliged to assume greater responsibility for defending our common interests and our common borders, realizing that developments in the North, the East, and also the South, here, in the southeastern Mediterranean, directly affect the security of all of Europe. That is why a far-sighted, genuinely European policy is required.
However, we know well that we cannot achieve strategic autonomy without a competitive Europe. And without competition, there can be no growth or prosperity.
That is why the agenda for boosting competitiveness in areas such as reducing the bureaucratic burden, and affordable energy will be at the center of our discussions in the coming months, with the flagship, of course, being the negotiations on the new Multiannual Financial Framework, which we hope will be completed by the end of 2026.
We did, of course, have the opportunity to discuss developments in the Middle East. Greece, like France, is a reliable partner and a force for stability. We have both played our part discreetly in the ceasefire and in the dialogue between Israel and Lebanon, a very important development that must be strengthened.
We both share the same concern for the protection of all religious communities, especially the Christians in the region, who are not merely a minority but an integral part of its historical identity.
We share the same commitment to safeguarding freedom of navigation, in accordance with International Law and the Convention on the Law of the Sea. And as a non-permanent member of the Security Council, we have raised this issue as one of the utmost importance. This is an issue that Europe as a whole must embrace, and we are, of course, moving in the same direction in view of Greece’s European Presidency in the second half of 2027.
We are ready to help shape all those policies that promote a strong, democratic Europe with a meaningful role in geopolitical developments -a Europe that knows and is able to defend its values as well as its member states.
A Europe of its citizens, ultimately a “child” of both Greek and French culture, a “child” of ancient Athenian democracy, but at the same time a “child” of the European Enlightenment.
Dear Emmanuel, I will conclude by reminding you that as we plan for the future, we are also honoring the past. And right now, Delacroix’s painting “Greece on the Ruins of Missolonghi” is on display at the Xenokrateion Archaeological Museum in Missolonghi.
This work was loaned by the Museum of Fine Arts of Bordeaux, and I would say it is a moving testament to the bonds between our peoples even before the independent Greek State was established, the birth of which, let us not forget, was warmly supported by the French people.
It is no coincidence that France was our guest of honor at this event commemorating the 200th anniversary of the Exodus of Missolonghi. This is a recognition -both symbolic and substantive- of a relationship that remains strong to this day.
We should, therefore, be proud to serve and carry on this historic tradition of peace and cooperation. And I believe that is exactly what we did today.
Once again, welcome to Athens, Emmanuel.
The Prime Minister’s answers to the questions posed by journalists follow:
George Eugenides (Proto Thema – STAR): Mr. President and Mr. Prime Minister, today you renewed, as you mentioned, the strategic security and defense agreement. What will change starting tomorrow, in practical terms, for the security of Greece, France, and Europe? Why do you constantly bring up the issue of the “European NATO,” so to speak, in this context? And how does the Greek-French strategic cooperation on security and defense relate to the European debate that has intensified regarding Article 42, paragraph 7, and the automation of the response in the event of a threat to sovereignty? Thank you very much.
Kyriakos Mitsotakis: Let me note from my part, Mr. Eugenides, there are agreements that are signed to remain on paper, to be implemented, to possibly make headlines for a few hours, and there are also agreements with real strategic depth and substantive content.
The agreement that was signed in 2021 proved that it belongs to the second category. One need only look at the progress we have made over the past five years to see that this is true.
Indeed, I believe that our two countries were extremely forward-thinking when we signed this agreement in 2021. And it was an ambitious agreement, both on the part of France and on the part of Greece. I remember back then, with the current Minister of Defense -who was then Minister of Foreign Affairs- discussing the scope of the agreement. The initial negotiations with France concerned the purchase of two Belh@rra frigates. We ultimately decided to acquire four frigates plus 24 Rafale jets. And we did so fully aware that these are funds from the Greek people’s savings, which, however, must be invested in a way that will strengthen our national defense.
We chose to do this with a European country with which we have deep strategic ties and a mutual trust that allows us to move forward together.
President Macron said something that I think is very significant: the ships we are acquiring and visited today are essentially “twins” of France’s ships.
Therefore, any upgrade or experience -let’s say we currently have at our disposal an excellent anti-drone system that has been field-tested- can be easily transferred to France and vice versa.
It’s essentially SAFE before SAFE. That was exactly the idea behind SAFE. We did it five years ago and proved that it can be done.
So, the path is clear for us to further strengthen our defense cooperation on many different levels and to discuss the truly advanced technologies of the future.
Now, regarding Article 42, paragraph 7, I am pleased that this discussion is now taking place at the European level and does not concern just the two of us. No one was talking about this article -no one- even though it is in the treaties and is, at least legally, more strongly worded than Article 5 of the NATO Treaty.
And yet, there is now widespread recognition that this is our European responsibility -regardless of whether or not we are members of NATO -most of our countries are members of NATO, but some are not- and that there is also an additional dimension of European solidarity.
It was tested in Cyprus. It was tested in practice, without Article 42, paragraph 7, being formally invoked, but we were there. Not just Greece and France, but also Italy, Spain, and the Netherlands. We need to build on this. And the direction we have given to the European Commission is: let’s take this example and make it more operational.
If, God forbid, something like this were to happen again, how would the forces involved coordinate their efforts? What procedures would they follow?
This is a major success for Europe. And at the same time, I think it’s proof that, yes, we in Europe are now taking our defense very seriously. These aren’t just empty words. They’re words backed up by action.
The President said something: rock-solid the 42.7 for European solidarity. Rock-solid the commitment by France and Greece -these commitments are not unilateral- to assist one another, God forbid, should the need arise.
Francesco Fontemaggi (AFP): Good morning, Mr. Prime Minister, Mr. President. To return to my colleague’s question regarding Article 42, paragraph 7, there is a request in the region -also on behalf of Cyprus, where you were yesterday- to clarify the functionality and strengthen this article.
Is France in favor of strengthening the article with explicit commitments so that Europeans will follow its example?
And as for NATO, you said yesterday that it has been weakened due to constant challenges from the American side. This fierce criticism of the Europeans continued yesterday on the issue of the Strait of Hormuz and the alleged desire to suspend Spain’s membership in NATO. Under these circumstances, would you say, Mr. President, that NATO remains an alliance, that it has not lost its vital role, so as not to repeat the predictions you made a few years ago?
Kyriakos Mitsotakis: If I could add one thing, I would say that NATO and the United States should be pleased that Europe is taking strategic autonomy seriously and investing more in defense.
In doing so, we are strengthening NATO’s European pillar. We are also responding to a long-standing and, I would say, to some extent justified request from the United States: that we are not spending enough as a percentage of our GDP.
We’re doing it now. But the choices we make must be linked, to some extent, to the development of our own domestic capabilities and European capabilities. And to do that, we need economies of scale. We need to avoid having 10 different weapons systems where others have just one or two. We need more consolidation in defense.
We need -to reiterate- what Greece and France have done, and it must be done on a much larger scale. This is also my encouragement to our European partners: sometimes we need to set aside certain national egos and think in European terms. If a solution -whether technological or economic- is offered by another country and is better, let’s build on it and invest in it.
Only in this way will we achieve the scale required to have economies of scale and -I would say- the technological capability to invest in systems that are truly as advanced as needed.
And we have the technological capabilities in Europe. The French companies we work with -let me say this- are second to none in terms of their technological capabilities, whether we’re talking about radar or missiles. We need to build on that.
And I would say -because we need to look on the bright side- that we in Europe have made great strides in this direction in recent years.
Giannis Kantelis (SKAI): Mr. President, Mr. Prime Minister, yesterday at the Roman Agora, you both expressed the conviction that this crisis we are experiencing, these geopolitical realignments, can lead to the strengthening of Europe, to the strengthening of the European Union. This also depends on the competitiveness of the economy. And to achieve strategic autonomy, we need money; we need more resources.
In the ongoing discussion about the new financial framework, we see that there are differing strategies among the countries. Will Europe be able to find this additional funding, these necessary resources, to achieve the ambitious goals set by at least some member states, such as Greece and France? Thank you.
Kyriakos Mitsotakis: Without wishing to repeat what the French President said -with which I fully agree- I would just like to say that in 2020, when we were called upon to face the unprecedented Covid crisis, many believed it would be practically impossible to do what we ultimately did.
And yet, prior to the European Council meeting that endorsed our decision to establish the Recovery Fund, there had been an agreement between France and Germany, in May 2020, which recognized the need for joint borrowing to address an exceptional situation.
Speaking on behalf of a country that is a major recipient of the Recovery Fund, I can now tell you with certainty that this decision was the right one, because it supported our economies and prevented them from collapsing, and because it led to investments linked to reforms in sectors critical for Europe: digital transformation, the climate crisis, and social cohesion. These were the priorities we set back then, and this strategy served us well.
Let me add one more thing: with very strict oversight from Europe and significant pressure on member states to do the right thing, because we are managing European funds and must be accountable to Europeans for this borrowing.
I, too, am certain, Mr. Kantelis, that the same will happen now, because I can tell you with certainty what will not happen: funding for the Common Agricultural Policy and Cohesion will not be cut. That is out of the question, because these policies are defining policies for Europe and for a great many European countries.
National contributions will not increase beyond the rate of the key linked to the absolute size of the budget, for the very simple reason -and I understand this too- that countries that already pay a lot, in particular, do not want to pay more.
We need to find new sources of funding, as well as existing ones. Some interesting ideas have been put on the table that should be explored, but there will always be a shortfall. If we want to be ambitious, we’ll have to think of alternative ways to fund these ambitious projects, which we all agree are necessary.
I hear the argument: “Well, we had Covid and we set up the Recovery Fund -it was a unique set of circumstances.” Yes, but aren’t the extraordinary things we’re going through now unique in their own way?
And what sense does it make, in any case, to go and repay the Recovery Fund -the Recovery Fund loans- right now, and thus “eat into” the budget for the next six years, when we have no reason to do so and when, as the French President said, there is strong demand for European bonds, for European paper, which will also make us stronger as Europe. Because Europe is currently viewed as a safe and creditworthy borrower, especially the European Union when it borrows as a whole.
So, we’re in for some tough negotiations, but I, too, believe that in the end-as always happens- we’ll find a solution at the last minute. Both sides will make concessions.
Either we will overcome any resistance, or we will accept that we must lower our expectations. But we cannot do both. We cannot claim that we want to achieve a lot with fewer resources.
Nicolas Laurent (TF1): Good morning, Mr. President. This conflict is having a massive impact on the global energy sector. Patrick Pouyanné, Chairman of TOTAL, warns of energy shortages if the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz continues for another two or three months. Is it possible that gas stations in France and Greece will run completely dry this summer?
And a second question regarding the distribution market and the 15 major fuel distributors examined in a government working paper. Do you acknowledge that there are abuses and that a cap must be imposed on profit margins?
Kyriakos Mitsotakis: Let me add that it is clear that all governments, as well as the European Union, are preparing for various developments.
Preparing for a potential worst-case scenario, however, does not necessarily mean that we should assume it is the most likely outcome or speak publicly about it. The French President is right when he says that such talk could turn into a self-fulfilling prophecy.
As he quite rightly points out, we are rowing in a boat that we did not choose to board at this moment. Because we are facing the consequences of a war that we must deal with.
The top priority for Greece, as a non-permanent member of the Security Council, is to ensure the opening of the Strait of Hormuz without setting any precedent -and I emphasize this- for the freedom of navigation.
So, let’s return to the status quo, as it was before the war. Because one can imagine -and I speak on behalf of a country that is a global maritime power- what it would mean for global trade, for a power such as Europe, which relies on and supports free trade, the imposition of potential fees or tolls on maritime channels, where free navigation is currently explicitly and categorically protected by international law. This, after all, was the situation in the Strait of Hormuz before this war began.
Therefore, together, all of our diplomatic efforts must be directed toward finding a diplomatic solution. This has many dimensions, but an absolutely non-negotiable pillar of any diplomatic solution is the complete and unimpeded opening of the Strait of Hormuz, without any restrictions and without any change in its status.
